July 2024 has entered the history of Bangladesh. The month brought before us the sheer plight, resistance and the voice of our collective inspiration to build a better Bangladesh. Youths, especially the Genz, have led the movement from the front. What started as a rightful quota reformation movement has ultimately led to the beginning of a new chapter of our country. As we pave through the lens of collective progress, development, and an ambitious journey of nation-building, our youths remain the cornerstone of the multifaceted process and hurdles required to reach our goals.
And while we have finally begun to ride the high roads of building a nation, we must ensure the areas where youth leadership is pivotal. From preserving the history of the July Revolution to documenting the sacrifices of the citizens of the country, we must chart a future prepared for and by the youths of this nation with the collaboration of experts and corporations.
Bangladesh is currently enjoying the benefits of the demographic dividend as the number of young people outnumbers the non-working-age population.
The demographic dividend is accelerated economic growth resulting from a country’s declining mortality and fertility rates and subsequent changes in the age structure of the population.
In this article, we will explore the prospects of youth leadership in Bangladesh in light of the July Revolution. While doing so, we will also shed light on Bangladesh’s unique demographic dividend. But first and foremost, it’s necessary to understand the core characteristics of Generation Z, who will ultimately take on the role of the next leaders in Bangladesh. The unique approach of blending art and humor in the resistance movement during the July Revolution has been embedded as one of the key characteristics and strategies of Gen Z.
So, we will start from the beginning, reminiscing about the month of plight and aspiring for a prosperous future ahead.
GEN Z: STUDENT MOVEMENT 2024
Across the globe, we hear about young people’s purported indifference and entitlement, unwillingness to make sacrifices and work hard to improve their lives. However, this does not apply to young people in Bangladesh.
At the start of the Gen-Z movement on July 1, following the Supreme Court’s intervention on June 5 that declared the 2018 government order abolishing the quota system illegal, the students faced a formidable foe comprised of an oligarchy of judiciary, administration, and legislature. Despite their lack of experience in political activism, the Gen-Z fighters were intelligent and tech-savvy young people with extensive experience networking via the internet and social media.
As a result, they were able to interact effectively via virtual media. Furthermore, one of the smartest things they did was designate a large number of coordinators at local and federal levels (about 200), with no apparent individual leadership. This collaborative effort resulted in a movement in which the programmes could be carried on by others even after some of the organisers were injured, unlawfully imprisoned, incarcerated, or tortured.
The anti-discrimination student movement faced the possibility of being impacted by temporal distance. The protest, which began in early July, grew in intensity later in the month as a result of the law enforcement authorities’ savage shooting of numerous students, children, and onlookers. The deaths of innocent people have already turned July into a month of sadness.
To deal with this difficulty, Generation Z created a way to counteract the probable forgetfulness caused by temporal distance. It desired to prevent any breach between the present and the past, between now and then, so it appropriated time. According to French philosopher Michel Serres, time is not linear, but rather “multidirectional” and “mobile.” Whether intentionally or unwittingly, Gen Z seems to have capitalised on the fluidity of time. It altered the normal notion of time by not adhering to the Gregorian calendar and extended July to the 36th day. Gen Z displayed an inventive and subversive concept of time, bolstering its campaign against authoritarianism.
That refusal to accept what no one should accept, that insistence on standing up and fighting for what had been denied them since birth – the simple dignity of being fully realised and fully actualised human beings who are free to think, say, and be whatever they want – is why we now live in a Bangladesh.
Art & Humor: A GenZ Strategy in the Resistance Movement
The tradition of using art in resistance movements is deeply embedded in history. During pivotal moments of social upheaval, art has served as a medium to express dissent, convey complex ideas, and rally collective support. This creative force often becomes a symbol of the struggle itself, immortalising those involved’s emotions, aspirations, and sacrifices.
One notable historical example is the surge of artistic creativity in the United States following the Civil War. During this period, the nation underwent a profound transformation, and artists responded by developing new literary forms, visual arts, and public monuments. These artistic endeavours reflected the nation’s evolving identity and the struggles of rebuilding a fractured society. Murals, sculptures, and other visual arts depicted the turmoil and hope of the era, providing a visual narrative that captured the spirit of the time. Similarly, during Bangladesh’s war of liberation in 1971, art played a crucial role in galvanizing the masses. Artists like Qayyum Chowdhury, Quamrul Hassan, and Biren Shome created powerful posters, illustrations, and caricatures that became iconic symbols of the resistance. These works of art not only communicated the emotional intensity of the liberation struggle but also served as rallying points for collective action. The posters, often depicting the brutality of the Pakistani regime and the resilience of the Bangladeshi people, became tools for mobilising support and sustaining morale. Art, in these contexts, transcended mere expression; it became a vehicle for resistance, a means to document history, and a way to communicate powerful ideas to a broad audience.
This tradition of using art as a tool for social change continues in modern times, as seen in various global movements where art and humour have played critical roles in shaping the narrative of resistance. Besides arts, humour disrupts the oppressive atmosphere by creating spaces where people can express their frustrations and fears in a non-threatening, yet impactful, manner. The ability to mock and ridicule those in power undermines their authority, empowering the oppressed and giving them a sense of control in an otherwise daunting situation.
One prominent example is the student-led protests in Bangladesh, where humour became a critical element of the resistance strategy. As young people took to the streets to challenge an authoritarian regime, they employed humour in various forms to mock the authorities and defuse the tension that often accompanies such confrontations. Students donning humorous masks, such as those of popular cartoon characters, and performing street theatre while directing traffic or guarding their neighbourhoods became a common sight. By turning serious acts of resistance into playful, yet subversive, performances, they effectively diffused the fear and intimidation that typically characterise such movements. This approach not only lightened the mood but also made the protest more inclusive and accessible, attracting a wider range of participants. Social media played a crucial role in amplifying the humorous aspects of the protest. Platforms like Facebook and Twitter were flooded with memes, cartoons, and satirical posts that critiqued the government’s actions and ridiculed figures of power. These humorous expressions quickly went viral, spreading the message of resistance far and wide and encouraging others to join the movement. The humour-infused content not only entertained but also educated, helping to sustain the momentum of the protests.
Sociologist Michael Sørensen, who studied humour in non-violent resistance movements, identified three key ways in which humour aids in rebellion. First, it provokes and ridicules the oppressor, escalating the conflict in a way that puts pressure on those in power. Second, it reduces fear within the resistance movement, as laughter helps to alleviate the anxiety and tension that often accompany acts of defiance. Third, it limits the oppressor’s options for reaction, as responding to the humour with force or violence can often backfire, making the oppressor appear petty or tyrannical.
In Bangladesh, the humour-infused protest strategies not only empowered the participants but also made it difficult for the authorities to respond effectively. The government’s attempts to crack down on these creative expressions were met with even more ridicule, further eroding their legitimacy and control. This dynamic illustrates how humour can serve as both a shield and a sword in the struggle for justice, protecting the protestors while simultaneously striking at the heart of the oppressive regime.
The iconic red and yellow posters created by artist Debashish Chakrabarty, for instance, became symbols of the movement. With slogans like “There is no bigger constitution than mass uprising” and “We will not allow you to betray the blood of the martyrs,” these posters encapsulated the spirit of the protest. They were not just works of art; they were statements of defiance and calls to action. Debashish’s poster series, named “Rashtro Jontrona” or “Pain of the State,” began in 2020 and has since become a visual representation of the ongoing struggle. The posters address themes such as state power, civil imagination, and the everyday experiences of the people, all while envisioning a different, more just society. This body of work is not merely a reflection of the current struggle but also a hopeful projection of a future where the people are free from oppression. Art also has the power to transcend linguistic and cultural barriers, making it an effective tool for communicating the message of resistance to a global audience. The images and videos of the protests in Bangladesh quickly spread across social media, capturing the attention and support of people around the world. This international visibility not only boosted the morale of the protesters but also put additional pressure on the government to address their demands.
Music has always been a powerful tool in resistance movements, and the evolution of protest music reflects the changing dynamics of social struggles. In Bangladesh, the recent protests saw a resurgence of rap music as a form of resistance. Rap, with its raw and provocative lyrics, became the voice of the oppressed, articulating the frustrations and aspirations of a generation that had long been silenced. The song “Kotha Ko” by rapper Shezan became the anthem of the movement, capturing the defiant spirit of the protesters. The lyrics, which described the bravery of a student who stood unarmed in front of armed police officers, resonated with millions of people. The song’s popularity underscored the power of music to inspire and mobilise, turning it into a rallying cry for the revolution. This trend of using contemporary music forms, such as rap, in protests is not unique to Bangladesh. Around the world, artists have used music to challenge oppressive regimes and inspire movements. From the civil rights anthems of the 1960s in the United States to the protest songs of the Arab Spring, music has always been at the forefront of social change, providing a powerful means of expression and solidarity.
The appeal of protest music lies in its ability to connect with people on a deeply emotional level. It speaks to the shared experiences of the oppressed, articulating their pain, anger, and hope in a way that resonates across generations. In the context of the Bangladesh protests, rap music became a powerful medium for expressing the frustrations of a generation that had grown up under an increasingly repressive regime. The raw, unfiltered nature of rap allowed these young artists to voice their dissent in a way that traditional music forms could not. Songs like “Kotha Ko” and “Awaz Utha” by rapper Hannan became anthems of the movement, rallying people to take to the streets and stand up against oppression. These songs provided a soundtrack for the revolution, reinforcing the resolve of the protesters and uniting them in their struggle.
The combination of art, humour, and protest is a powerful force for social change. These creative expressions don’t just challenge those in power—they also help us envision a better future. They give people new ways to think about what’s possible, inspiring them to take action for a better world. In Bangladesh, the recent protests using art and humour are part of a growing trend of creative resistance seen around the world. One of the strengths of creative resistance is that it goes beyond traditional protests like marches and strikes. While those methods are great for gathering large crowds, art and humour offer other ways to get involved. They reach people who might not be able to join the protests in person but still want to support the cause. By opening up space for creativity, these forms of resistance make the movement more inclusive and stronger.
Demographic Dividend
Bangladesh employs around 57% of its population. The world’s eighth most populated country has one of the highest young unemployment rates. Currently, the bulk of the working population consists of young people who are capable of improving the nation’s economic and social position through various undertakings. According to a census report issued by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) in July 2022, Bangladesh’s young population is at 46 million, accounting for roughly 28% of the total population.
Bangladesh is now reaping the benefits of the demographic dividend, with the number of young people outnumbering the non-working-age population. The demographic dividend refers to increased economic development caused by a country’s lowering mortality and birth rates, as well as subsequent changes in the population’s age structure. The main concern for Bangladesh right now is whether the current momentum will continue in the future years or if it will soon stall. The matter arose since the number of old individuals has increased over time, raising the reliance ratio for the past two years in a row.
According to a study conducted by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS), the proportion of working-age adults decreased from 66.58% in 2021 to 65.08% in 2023. A year ago, the share was 65.67%. Similarly, the dependence ratio among those over 65 increased to 9.4% from 8.6% in 2022.
Bangladesh is projected to become an aging society by 2029 and an old society by 2047. Bangladesh is more likely than advanced Asian and affluent European countries to migrate from an “ageing” to an “aged” society. This is by far one of the quickest rates of ageing when compared to historical patterns and statistics from France, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, and other nations. Obtaining a country’s second demographic dividend is dependent on maximising the first dividend via significant investments in human capital, education, and health.
It is critical to emphasise that the demographic dividend is a transitory phenomenon that will eventually fade. Bangladesh has enormous space and opportunity to capitalise on the bountiful demographic dividend that will emerge over the next several decades. A nation’s demographic dividend is important for a variety of reasons. Increased economic growth may arise from a high proportion of working-age individuals in the population since more people are available to work and contribute to the economy. People are more educated, healthier, and capable of participating in the global economy, which can contribute to increased productivity. The demographic dividend’s increased economic growth can lead to improved standards of living for the population, including higher income levels, better health and education, and more access to products and services.
A country’s demographic dividend phase normally lasts 20 to 30 years and happens just once per century. By 2040, Bangladesh’s chances of achieving substantial economic development through the demographic dividend would start to dwindle. Currently, over 65% of our nation’s population is employed. The country has 106.1 million working people. The real labour force is 62.1 million of this total (59.5 million work in the public and commercial sectors, with the remaining 2.6 million jobless). 44.0 million people are now unemployed.
Let’s talk about what went right for other Asian contemporaries, notably East Asia, that resulted in stratospheric prosperity across numerous metrics, from the economy to human development. The demographic dividend occurred in China in about 1980, and they took use of this opportunity to reach the peak of prosperity. As a result, this East Asian country’s economy is currently the second largest in the world. China’s demographic dividend refers to the unique opportunities for economic development that have emerged as a result of the country’s large working-age population. Starting in the 1980s, China’s population shifted as a result of its one-child policy, which resulted in the development of a huge number of young, educated workers. This huge and efficient workforce has helped China’s recent fast economic growth. However, as China’s population ages and its labour force shrinks, the government requires assistance to maintain economic development. To address this issue, China has implemented policies promoting higher birth rates and raising the retirement age, among other measures. The effectiveness of these initiatives will determine whether China can continue to enjoy its population boom in the future years.
Similarly, China and Bangladesh must improve their programs to prepare another employable generation in three or four decades, ensuring a larger employable workforce. Reforming and adjusting key policies is evident to prevent such deficiencies, given Bangladesh’s restricted resources and capacities compared to cutting-edge nations such as China and Japan. Furthermore, East Asian countries stand to benefit the most from the demographic dividend. These countries gained from the demographic dividend by leveraging their foresight and the efficacy of knowledge, experience, and technology. Because of appropriate social and economic policies, such as openness to trade and international investment, flexible labour markets, and large and ongoing investment in human capital, including education and public health.
Bangladesh is receiving its first demographic dividend since gaining independence in 1971 after centuries of colonial rule. Other nations have already seen demographic rewards. It enablesBangladesh to learn from other countries while also ensuring all feasible advancements that may arise from an increase in the employable population. On the other hand, it is critical to plan for future issues, which will become apparent in the following three or four decades when the same employable population becomes unemployed or underemployed, posing a strain on the economy and society.
Bangladesh’s present demographic dividend is a temporary phenomenon with the potential to boost economic growth. However, the government and business sectors must take the necessary actions to make the most of the potential. It is also important to highlight that the demographic dividend is not limited to the economy and may bring about changes in the social and political spheres. Bangladesh might use its demographic dividend to improve the quality of its workforce and increase productivity, equipping it to compete in the global marketplace provided the necessary steps are taken.
The July Revolution of 2024 has undoubtedly sparked a new era of hope and progress in Bangladesh, and it is the nation’s youth, especially Generation Z, who have been at the heart of this transformative movement. As we look to the future, it becomes increasingly clear that youth leadership will play a pivotal role in the continued rebuilding of the nation.
To fully realise the potential of this movement, we must ensure that the lessons of the past are preserved and that the contributions of youth remain central in all national dialogues. It is essential for both public and private sectors to support and empower these young leaders, integrating their voices into critical decision-making processes that will shape the country’s future.
